Horumar

Written by Suldan Mohamed

It was in August 2022 when President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud declared a “full-scale” war against Somalia’s longstanding militant group – Al-Shabab after the group staged a deadly hotel siege in Mogadishu that killed at least 21 people and wounding more than 100.

By this point, a local resistance had been brewing in the Hiiraan region of central Somalia where locals led by Ali Jeyte began an uprising against the oppressive rule of the militant group following a series of events that terrorised the local community including the burning of water wells.

While the militant group always engaged in terroristic activities to supress the local population and consolidate control, the catalyst behind the Hiiraan Uprising and the current war against Al-Shabab stems from the historic defeat faced by the militant group in the Western Somalia region which saw over 800 militants crushed by local Somali forces and clan militia. It was the first time that such a large scale attack was launched by the terrorist group but it was also the first time that a Somali-led army defeated the group on such a scale.

For people in Hiiraan, events across the border in Western Somalia shattered the myth surrounding Al-Shabab’s influence and power in Somalia. The taste of victory and liberation from the group seemed more a realistic prospect than ever before which would kickstart the local uprising that liberated large swathes of Hiiraan.

The local uprising would be utilised by the Mahmoud administration as it declared Phase I of Operations against the militant group with the aim of “defeating the militants within five months” according to President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud.

Since operations began in 2022, the Federal Government alongside Macawisley militia singlehandedly liberated large swathes of territories in Galmudug and Hirshabelle despite major criticisms by security experts due to the absence of ATMIS participation. The African Union mission watch on as local and national Somali forces scratched and crawled through central Somalia with dozens of lives lost along the way,

Nevertheless, the reality is that 14 months later, the militants continue to keep a foothold in central Somalia and maintain a strong presence in Southern Somalia. It is clear that an ‘all-out war’ alone will not curtail the threat faced from Al-Shabab in Somalia.

The defection of young poet, Abwaan Naageeye Ali Khalif to the Al-Shabab militant group demonstrates that while the current war being waged by the Federal Government has made some success on the battlefield in central Somalia, the ideological battle continues to be lacking behind.

In this article, I attempt to concisely explain how extremist Al-Shabab propaganda utilise the Federal Government shortcomings as evidence for its own agenda.

‘Dalka, Dadka and Deenta’ – Taking Back Control

While Somalia does not have a complete constitution that is universally accepted by all Somalis, the Somali nation is built on three D’s that is the crux of the Somali state: Dalka (Country), Dadka (People) and Deenta (Religion). These three D’s form the basis of any Somali government formed since 1960 including the incumbent Federal Government led by President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud.

Critics of Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud point out that his administration has failed to place these three D’s at the heart of their government policies both internally and externally. Let’s take a look at some examples:

• War in Sool

The conflict in SSC-Khaatumo impacted Somalis all over the world. The unprovoked bombing of a city following the declaration by its population to form a new Federal Member State (FMS) saw dozens killed including women and children. The conflict saw 100,000s of people displaced with hospitals and even mosques targeted with artillery fire by the separatist regime in Hargeisa.

People in the region of SSC were fighting and dying for Somali unity and the Somali flag. While some criticised have raised the point that SSC was fighting a war to liberated its region from Somaliland which has does not necessarily concern Somali unity – I believe this is by far the most ridiculous argument ever posited. One has to observe the reason why Somaliland was waging this war and what Somaliland even stands for. The separatists intended to supress the local population and forcefully demand Somalis in the region to accept its separatist agenda. In other words, the partitioning and destruction of the Somali Republic. Therefore, clearly the war in Sool was more than just a conflict between two Somali clans but rather a conflict in which one side raised the flag of the Somali people while the other side literally burned it.

Although the Somali Federal Government deployed the Somali Disaster Management Agency (SoDMA) to Laascaanood as well as calls for a ceasefire by the Heads of the Federal Government, many Somalis have criticised the lack of direct action or condemnation by the President, Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud. Many also criticised the Prime Minister for his lack of leadership in dealing with the conflict which was on-going within Somali borders.

As stipulated under Article 87 of the Somali constitution, the President is “the symbol of the national unity” and “the guardian and promoter of the founding principles of the constitution”. Additionally, Article 90 of the provisional constitution outlines the powers of the President including the ability to “declare a state of emergency and war in accordance with the law”. The combination of these powers meant that the President at the minimum could have declared a state of emergency to at least obtain international support against the separatist aggression.

In this scenario, the President failed to strongly uphold the three D’s. This is easily used by extremist propaganda as evidence that the FGS is not an “independent entity serving the Somali people but rather a vessel serving foreigners”.

• Kenyan Activities in Jubaland & Somaliland

For the past decade, the Kenyan Government has occupied southern Somalia after erecting the Federal Member State of Jubaland and placing former militia leader Ahmed Madobe at the helm. Its military has acted freely in the region, consistently bombing the Gedo and Jubba regions which has resulted in damage to private property, telecommunication towers and the death of innocent civilians. The continued attacks and the lack of a statement or action from the Federal Government has been utilised by Al-Shabab in its own propaganda to convince victims that the Federal Government does not serve to protect their interests and that “only Al-Shabab” will protect their interest in the region.

It was only a few weeks ago when Jubaland strongman appointed Sadik Abdullahi Bogale as his ‘representative’ in Kenya which is outside of the realm of the Federal Government. This directly contradicts and challenges the provisional constitution which stipulates that foreign affairs is reserved for the Federal Government in Mogadishu and not Federal Member States (FMS). It is clear that the Kenyan government continues to directly interfere in Somali internal affairs and treats Jubaland as a satellite state rather than a FMS part of Somalia. Similarly, the separatist Somaliland authorities have a represent in Nairobi. On October 4th, President William Ruto appointed Abdi Weli Hussein as Kenya’s ambassador to Somaliland. 

In conclusion, there is a clear violation of Somali sovereignty by the Kenyan state and silence from the FGS, especially on the airstrikes is again being used by Al-Shabab militants to coerce victims that they oppress that the militants are the only actor to protect their interests.

• Ethiopian Demands for a Port

The recent speech by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in which he made references to ports in Somalia and Eritrea including Saylac have raised many eyebrows in the Horn of Africa. PM Ahmed described Ethiopia’s landlocked geographical location as an “injustice” which indicates a lack of restraint and anger. He’s reference to Haile Selassie and his Imperial Ethiopian vision manifests expansionism which created friction in the region for most of the 20th century. The fact that the Prime Minister mentioned the city of Saylac in the Awdal region of Northern Somalia should be a direct concern to President Hassan Sheikh Mahmoud and the FGS. Especially, when PM Ahmed threatened that he will obtain a port for Ethiopia by “any means necessary” before his premiership ends.

Again, this attempt of incursion by the Ethiopians directly plays in to the hands of the extremists including Abwaan Naageeye that utilise false patriotism to coerce young Somali men and women. Any silence by the Federal Government would only plays directly into the hands of Al-Shabab extremists that purport that the FGS directly works with “foreigners”. Ultimately, the Federal Government must gain a firm grip its information and ideological war with the militants.

The Information War

The reality is that the FGS is an information and propaganda war against Al-Shabab. The recent defection by Abwaan Naagaye demonstrates Mogadishu needs to do more in showcasing to the Somali community that it is defending the three D’s it was sworn in to protect. Despite all the terrorist attacks by Al-Shabab that show its evil and anti-Islamic behaviour, it continues to try and seize control of the patriotic agenda. Since its formation, the militants have consistently argued that they stand for the Somali nationalism against the Ethiopians and “foreigners” as they put it. This garnered the militants support during the Ethiopian occupation of southern Somalia in the late 2000s.

Today, the militants make an absurd claim as the legitimate successors of the Dervish movement in Somalia in the early 20th century against the colonial powers. The militants attempt to draw similarities between the war Sayyid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan led against the colonial powers and their own extremist war against the Somali Federal Government and ATMIS forces backed by US and allies.

Clearly, there is no similarity between the two. The only similarity, if there is any, would be the fact that the Somali nation is facing a new enemy that attempts to dissect and destroy the fabric of our society: 1900 was the colonialists and 2023 its the extremists. One must understand Al-Shabab and its ideology is one that is alien to the Somali community and society. It is an terroristic ideology imported and funded by foreigners.

It is more important than ever before for the FGS not just take a strong stand in the information and propaganda war against Al-Shabab, the FGS must grip the D’s of Somalia with a firm grip and showcase to the Somalis worldwide that it is the protect of Dadka, Dalka and Deenta.

The shortcomings of the FGS will be used by Al-Shabab as propaganda.

However, the responsibility of defeating Al-Shabab information war is not solely for the Federal Government and Hassan Sheikh. It is also the responsibility of all Somalis. We must put our differences aside to fight this enemy. Our difference must be put aside for the greater good.

Guul iyo Gobonimo